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Centro Sociale Leoncavallo 


INDEX 


1 

raf.txt 

The last letter from thè RAF 

2 

rep.txt 

Antifascist action 

3 

usaabort.wom 

A million women march! USA Washington abort 

4 

palestin.wom 

palestinian women: 
empowerment and thè intifada 

5 

bookrev.fas 

German book on extreme right 
and international contacts 

6 

europpol.jus 

"Widerstand gegen Europoi" / written in german 

7 

gerpolma.fas 

German police magazine on antifascist movement 

8 

nfSreque.tur 

Turkish NF-5 bombers against Kurds? 

9 

market.pri 

market for personal identity products /privacy 

10 

nl0426a3.jus 

Counterterrorist Rarateam virtually dismantled 

11 

gerintel.jus 

Some intelligence news from Germany. 

12 

nl0426a2.isr 

Stop thè Israelian settlements 
in Palestine / netherlands 

13 

nl0426a1.jus 

News on policing, security, 
intelligence and thè judiciary in 

14 

nl0426.ass 

frust and developing thè System 

15 

nl0426a4.ind 

INDONESIA STOPS DEVELOPMENT AID 
FROM THE NETHERLANDS 

16 

timor.un 

east timor report on un human rights session 


ECN MILANO 




1 File : raf.txt 


THE LAST LETTER FROM THE RAF CONCER- 
NING THEIR NEW DECISIONS 

To everybody who is looking for ways, how to or- 
ganise and to push through a human lite, here and 
worldwide, on realiy concrete questions. This is 
what we are looking for as well. There are thou- 
sands of questions on thè table that scream for a 
solution, if these probiems are not soon faced and 
solved they will lead thè humanity to thè cata- 
strophe. They were originated by thè capitalistic 
principle that only profit and power have a value 
and that people and nature are submitted to it. We, 
thè RAF, since 1989 have been seriousiy thinking 
and speaking, that it is no more possibie that 
things go on like this, for us and for everybody who 
has a background of resistance in thè FRG. We 
carne to thè conclusion that it is a question of fin— 
ding new definitions for a policy able to push 
through reai changes for thè life of thè people to- 
day and able - on thè long run - to tear away thè 
definition of thè reality of life from thè powerfull. 

To this aim it is necessary to see thè history of 
oneself and of everybody in thè resistancem to 
think about it what we have done that was wrongm 
what important experiences we or other did, and 
which meaning they could have for thè future. 

The starting point was: 

1. The fact that we all stood in front of a situation 
that thè relations of power have changed - thè de- 
sintegration of thè socialist state-system, thè end 
of thè "Cold War". We were confronted with thè 
fact that thè idea to come to a break through in thè 
international tight didn't become reality. The 
liberation struggles at all have been too weak to 
come through in all levels of imperialistic war. 

The desintegration of thè socialist States which was 
thè result of their unsolved inner contradictions has 
had catastrophic effects for millions of people in 
thè whole worid. 

It has all people who are fighting for liberation 
thrown back onto themselves. But this once again 
showed clearly thè necessity that fights for libera- 
tion only can be developed out of thè very own hi- 
story of thè people, out of thè authentic conditions 
and aims. And only out of this a new international 
force can grow. This had lot of comrades from thè 
Third World brought into discussion and there they 
have found thè beginning and thè practicing of a 
very new politics. 


This we will do also here, by this we are connected 
together. 

2. We ourselves had been confronted with thè fact, 
that, by thè way we practiced our policy in thè ye- 
ars before 1989, politicaliy we became weaker in- 
stead of stronger. 

For different reasons we don't attract people here 
any longer that would have made common activity 
possibie. 

We recognize it as a centrai failure that we didn't 
make steps towards thè people who stood up here 
also. And towards those who hadn't yet we didn't 
make steps at all. 

It became clear for us that we have to lok for thè 
people and that it can't go on as it was before that 
we, as guerilia, make thè decisions on our own and 
that thè others follow us. We formulated this often 
in a different way, but reality was like that. 

We had reduced our policy very much to attacks 
against imperialist strategies. The search for direct 
positive aims and for a way, how a social alterna- 
tive can begin to exist here and today, was mis- 
sing. The experiences, that others obtained by fi- 
ghting, showed us that it is possibie to start with 
this here. 

But our relation to those people who were dose to 
us, was determined by thè aim to start fighting to- 
gether. Therefore there was no space in this de- 
termination for them to develope and to live their 
own social values in their everyday-lives togehter 
with lots of others. Only therefore we could have 
come to a policy together, which could have shown 
more people, also those who are living outside thè 
different scene-ghettos, that thè coldness and 
powerlessness by imperialim is neither destiny nor 
naturai law, but ends where people put their needs 
and their solidarity into practice and start to live 
them here and today. 

We took thè consequences of that and tried a pa- 
rallel process of new-determination and practical 
intervention. 

We thought we could create by ourselves a new 
relationship by thè way we determine our actions 
and by thè way we talked, and so create thè pos- 
sibilities for thè necessary conditions for a common 
discussion and by that thè possibility for a common 
perspective together with a lot more people and 
groups. 

It was amistake that we didn't mediate our process 
clearly, but only partly as a result of our discus- 
sione in our communiques and letters. 

And this only a start and soon we will talk about 
everything more thoroughly. 



After this two years we understood that this wasn't 
enough, that this process didn't allow us to deve- 
lope what we consider as most important now and 
in thè near future: 

The common discussion and thè construction of 
connections among different groups and people, 
which has been necessary for a long time; starting 
from thè point, where thè people live, from thè daily 
lives of thè people in this society which urges many 
to take their situation into their own hands and se- 
arch for Solutions together with other people. 

We think such connection may become a basis of 
a power, which we called counterpower from thè 
bottom and which doesn't yet exist in this way. As 
long as such an alternative to destruction and de- 
speration within thè System can't be experienced, 
thè number ofthose will arise who will be excluded 
and will stay alone without any perspective, who 
will die of heroine or will be driven into suicide etc. 
And more and more people will follow thè fascists. 
Because of our experiences and our discussions 
with comrades concerning all this issues, now we 
are sure that thè guerilla can't be in thè centre of 
this process of thè development of connections. 
Actions targeting on thè lives of leaders of thè state 
and economy cant promote thè necessary process, 
because they escalate thè whoie situation for 
everything, which has just started to grow and all 
who have just started to search. 

The quality of such attacks persupposes an con- 
sciousness, what changes they can promote con- 
cretely. Now, in such a time, where there is thè 
main topic for everybody to find themselves on a 
new basis, this consciousness is impossible. 

So we understand thè critcism, that by this kind of 
actions we presume thè result. 

WE DECIDED TO RETREAT FROM THE ESCA- 
LATION. THAT MEANS THAT WE WILL STOP 
OUR ATTTACKS ON LEADING REPRESENTATI- 
VES OF THE ECONOMY AND THE STATE FOR 
THE NECESSARY PROCESS NOW. 

This process with discussions and construction of 
counterpower from thè bottom includes as an im- 
portant part thè struggle for thè freedom of thè po- 
liticai prisoners. 

After 20 years of state of emergency against thè 
prisoners, torture and annihilation it is now thè time 
to enforce their right to live- to obtain their freedom 
by fighting. 

The minister of justice, kinkel, announced in ja- 
nuary to release some of thè prisoners who are 
unfit for imprisonment or who are imprisoned for 
thè longest time. This was thè first time they ad- 
mitted that there are fractions in thè establishment 
who understood that they cannot solve social con- 


tradictions and resistance by police-repression 
and military means. 

They wanted to destroy thè prisoners for more than 
20 years. The announcement of Kinkel asks thè 
question if thè state is willing to give up its annihi- 
lation-stategy against everybody who is fighting for 
a self-determined life. The stategy against those 
who don't capitulate in front of thè power of mo- 
ney, those who formulate and live their own inte- 
rests and aims against thè interest of profit. 

This Kinkel-initiative asks thè question if there is 
space for politicai Solutions. (If there are represen- 
tatives of economy sectors who put thè govern- 
ment under pressure, this can only be good.) 

We will have an exact look, on how serious thè 
Kinkel-initiative is. Up to now there didn't happen 
very much exept from that Claudia Wannersdorfer 
was released just a few month before her officiai 
release. The others who are unfit for imprisonment 
- Guenther Sonnenberg, Bernd Roessner, Isabel 
Jacob, Ali Jansen - are stili imprisoned. Also Irm- 
gard Moeller is after more than 20 years stili im- 
prisoned. 

Up to now thè conditions in prison didn't become 
better. The interviews of Norbert Hofmeier, Baerbel 
Perau und Thomes Thoene, after they thes were in 
prison 2/3 of thè time of their sentences, were like 
inquisitions. Angelika Goder is threatened to be 
send to prison aithough she is ili. With thè an- 
nouncement of new trials against some prisoners 
after statements of thè chief-witnesses they ex- 
press their ice-cold need of revenge by thè state. It 
shows their aim to bury thè prisoners forever in jail. 

Refering to thè ministry of justice in Stuttgars, thè 
newspaper "Welt" formulated their unbroken will of 
annihilation: If they have to decide (thè ministry of 
justice) would Guenther Sonnenberg who is unfit 
for imprisonment for more than 15 years, only be 
released if he submits to thè repressive oppression 
in thè prison. He is called a "refractory prisoner", 
because he is solidare and holds contacts with his 
friends. In thiese ways they make propagande 
against his release. All this is contrary to thè ready 
new character of thè state stategy. 

THE PRISONERS UNFIT FOR IMPRISONMENT 
AND THOSE IMPRISONED FOR THE LONGEST 
TIME MUST BE RELEASED AT ONCE! ALL THE 
OTHER ONES MUST COME TOGETHER UNTIL 
THEIR RELEASE! 

It is an important switch if something moves in this 
direction: Everybody will beable to see thè direction 
thè train will run; if thè fraction in thè establishment 
gets its way that recognizes they have to make 



consessions for a politicai solution, or thè one of 
thè concrete-heads and iron-eaters. 

This will not only get obvious in thè behaviour 
against thè politicai prisoners. There are other fo- 
cuses, where this decision of thè switch will be vi- 
stole immediately. Where fights have developed so 
far that they have recovered space, it will be 
quickly obvious, in how far they will admit politicai 
Solutions or want to wage war, 

For example, whether they stili want to wage war 
against thè people from Hafenstrasse after 10 ye- 
ars of fighting. 

But on thè long term a lot of other things are im- 
portant. 

-There are fights of social prioners against special 
prison-conditions and against thè inhuman condi- 
tions in prisons at all. It must not happen that thè 
politicai prisoners get out of thè extermination 
blocks and others get in. 

All isolation blocks must be closed! 

- There are fights for centres, for space to live and 
for housing for many, who don't have this now and 
here. 

- It will get visible if thè people of thè ex-GDR 
shall be pressed as objects without an own will into 
thè capitalistic System further on, or if they can 
obtain space by fightingwhere they can determine 
thè developement by themselves. 

- It is an important question, how long thè state will 
be able to push thè racism against refugees and 
handle them as "sub-humans", to withdraw itself 
and thè economy from thè responsibility for unem- 
ployment, thè housing desaster, starving of thè 
elderly etc. And how long it will be able to send 
them back into thè misery it is producing itself all 
thè time. 

- For a long time now it is reality that thè cops 
protect thè fascists and beat down thè anti-fasci- 
sts, that they hunt down demonstrators to thè de- 
ath, for example Conny Wissmann, that they shoot, 
for example a few month ago in Frankfurt, and 
torture refugees with electro shocks etc. 

- It is a question if german soldiers will march 
again against other nations and how long fascist 
regimes can go on to massaker thè people with thè 
weapons and support from here. 

Only by struggles developed in society in all these 
questions - but these are of course not all - it will 
be decided if a politcal space for Solutions can be 
obtained by fighting. 


They will retreat by thremselves at no point. The- 
refore pressure and struggles from society will be 
always necessary for our demands. 

With thè break of thè escalation we made a step 
to open this politicai discussion. Now it is on thè 
state's side to react. And because nobody today 
knows how they are going to react, we want to 
protect this process of discussion and construction. 
But if they destroy thè people who take place in 
this process with their machine of repression and 
terror and stili wage war against thè people below, 
we will stop this retreat of escalation - in this case 
we will not look at this without doing anything. 

If they fight us and all thè people who struggle for a 
human society, they must know that they elites can 
not live either. 

Even if it is not in our own interest: You can answer 
war only with war. 

Red Army Fraction 
Aprii, thè lOth, 1992 



3 


File : usaabort.wom 


2 File : rep.txt 


date: 24-04-92 

from: antifa-bytes spinn.-beriin 

subject: antifascist action against fascist-party 

member (dead) 


In thè night from friday to saturday, thè 4th aprii, a 
member of thè board of thè fascist group ’deutsche 
liga fur volk + heimat'founded last year as a union 
of several fascist organisations) - Gerhard Kaindl - 
was stabbed. 

According to thè newspapers (Berliner Zeitung, 
Tagesspiegel) from thè 6th to 8th aprii, 7 members 
of this group were guests in a chinese restaurant. 
During their stay they were recognized by a 
'foreign-looking' person, who named them 
'republicans 1 (name of one of thè party in thè above 
mentioned union). 2 hours after his leaving 6-8 
masked persons entered and attacked thè stili 
present fascists. One of them was severely injured, 
another one stabbed. 

Although no valid informations exist, thè police 
assumes, that thè attack had a politicai back- 
ground, carried out by organized Turks or Arabs. A 
reinforced observation and criminalization of 
turkish and arabic self-defense and politicai orga- 
nizations is to be expected. 


In der Nacht vom Freitag zum Sonnabend, dem 4. 
Aprii, ist ein Vorstandsmitglied der 'deutschen liga 
fùr volk + heimat' (im letzten Jahr als Zusammen- 
schlu/3 mehrerer faschistischer Organisationen 
gegriindet) - Gerhard Kaindl - erstochen worden. 

Nach Meldungen der Tageszeitungen (Berliner 
Zeitung, Tagesspiegel) vom 6. - 8. Aprii, wurden 7 
Mitglieder dieser Gruppe in einem chinesischen 
Restaurant von einem 'auslàndisch aussehenden' 
Mann als 'republikaner' bezeichnet. 2 Stunden, 
nachdem er das Lokal verlassen hatte, griffen 6-8 
vermummte Personen die noch anwesenden Fa- 
schisten an. Einer von ihnen wurde schwer ver- 
letzt, ein anderer erstochen. 

Obwohl keine Beweise existieren, geht die Polizei 
davon aus, da/6 der Angriff einen politischen Hin- 
tergrund hatte und von organisierten Tiirken oder 
Arabern ausgefuhrt wurde. Eine verstàrkte Obser- 
vierung und Kriminalisierung turkischer und arabi- 
scher Selbstverteidigungs- und politischer Orga- 
nisationen ist zu befùrchten 


date : 920409 920426 
from : aps 

subject : A million women march! USA Washin- 
gton abort 

From: nyxfer%panix.com UMCVMB.missouri.edu 
(N.Y. Transfer) 

Subject: NEWS: A million women march 
Date: 9 Apr 92 

Via The NY Transfer News Service All thè News 
that Doesn't Fit 

A million women march! 

By Brenda Sandburg 
Washington 

(Copyright Workers World Service: Permission to 
reprint granted if source is cited.) 

Nearly a million people, mostly women, marched 
on Washington Aprii 5 to demand full reproductive 
rights for all women. It was thè most massive pro- 
choice demonstration ever, and one of thè biggest 
civil rights marches in U.S. history. 

The participation of young women was especially 
noteworthy. They carne from communities and 
campuses across thè country, in buses and cars, 
by thè dozens and hundreds. Clearly angry at thè 
threat to their right to control their own bodies, they 
infused thè huge protest with a sense of urgency 
and militancy. 

The lesbian and gay community was also well re- 
presented. When a speaker asked lesbians and 
gay men to identify themselves, a sea of hands 
was raised. 

Although thè crowd was predominantly white, there 
were contingents from communities of color. These 
included a busload of African American welfare re- 
cipients from Michigan and a group of Black and 
Latino students from York College in Queens, N.Y. 

The Ladies Garment Workers union sent several 
buses filled with Black, Latina and Asian women 
workers. For thè most part, however, thè labor 
movement did not mobilize. Union contingents 
could have swelled thè march with tens of thou- 
sands of oppressed women who are among those 
with thè most at stake in thè struggle to defend 
reproductive rights. But thè AFL-CIO has refused 
to take a position on thè issue. 



The National Organization for Women and thè Na- 
tional Abortion Rights Action League sponsored 
thè protest, spurred by thè intensifying attack on 
women's rights, Marchers said they were there to 
let thè Bush administration, Congress, thè Su- 
preme Court and state legislatures know that wo- 
men won't go back to fear, humiliation and bruta- 
lization. 

The action carne just as thè Supreme Court is 
about to hear orai arguments on a Pennsylvania 
law. The case could result in a ruling to overturn 
thè High Court's 1973 decision in Roe vs. Wade 
that established abortion as a "fundamental" con- 
stitutional right. 

As it is, years of attacks have already whittled 
away at thè right to choice. Poor women in 30 Sta- 
tes are blocked from Medicaid payment for abor- 
tion. Abortion Services are medically unavailable in 
83 percent of U.S. counties. Several States require 
parental or husband notification. Third World wo- 
men continue to be subjected to forced steriliza- 
tion, welfare mothers are losing their state benefits, 
and lesbians are faced with ongoing violence and 
discrimination. 

'We won’t go back!’ 

Over 60 speakers addressed rallies at thè begin- 
ning and end of thè march. They included repre- 
sentatives from women's, students', civil rights, 
lesbian and gay, and religious groups. Thirty-eight 
capitalist politicians — members of and candidates 
for thè House and Senate — spoke. 

Ginny Montes, NOW national secretary, chaired 
thè rally. NOW President Patricia Ireland and se- 
veral other officials of thè group also spoke. 

Other speakers included Marian Kramer of thè Na- 
tional Welfare Rights Union; Faye Wattleton and 
Dr. Kenneth Edelin, former and current presidents 
of Planned Parenthood; and United Farm Workers 
Vice President Dolores Huerta. 

Also speaking were Leona Smith, president of thè 
National Union of thè Homeless; Coalition of Labor 
Union Women President Joyce Miller; Urvashi Vaid 
of thè National Gay and Lesbian Task Force; Tajel 
Shah, president of thè United States Student As- 
sociation; Rev. Ignacio Castuera; "Thelma and 
Louise" screenwriter Callie Khouri; and several 
well-known actors. 

Jewell Jackson McCabe of thè National Coalition of 
100 Black Women addressed thè racist assault on 


reproductive rights. Third World and poor women 
bear thè brunt of restricted access to abortion and 
other Services. In 1969 alone, 75 percent of deaths 
from illegai abortions were women of color. 

Dr. Susan Wicklund was one of several physicians 
who spoke. After she attended thè 1989 pro- 
choice rally in Washington, Wicklund said, she de- 
cided to commit herself to providing Services for 
women. She rearranged her medicai practice and 
now spends every week flying among three rural 
Midwest States where she is thè only doctor per- 
forming abortions. Anti-abortion reactionaries have 
attacked her, harassed her young daughter and 
threatened their lives. But she said she will never 
stop providing reproductive medicai Services to 
women. 

Rev. Jesse Jackson galvanized thè crowd with a 
fiery talk that linked thè issue of choice to thè 
struggle against racism, thè tight to defend welfare 
rights and thè needs of women workers. He also 
called on everyone to support thè Haitian people 
and demand an end to deportations of Haitian re- 
fugees. 

Susan Faludi, author of "Backlash — The Unde- 
clared War Against American Women," vividly de- 
scribed what women endured before 1 973. 

Her mother suffered and survived an illegai abor- 
tion. Faludi said her mother finally ended up in a 
hospital hemorrhaging, went into labor and gave 
birth to a fetus that had been rotting inside her for 
six months. 

Carol Moseley Braun, an African American running 
for thè Senate from Illinois, also spoke. She upset 
Democratic incumbent Alan Dixon in thè primary 
last month. If elected she will be thè first Black 
woman to be a member of thè Senate. Braun paid 
tribute to Anita Hill, saying Hill's stand agaisnt 
sexual harassment motivated her to run for thè 
Senate. 

Bill Bell Jr. pledged his family's commitment to thè 
struggle. His sister Becky Bell was a teenager who 
died from a botched abortion last year. Indiana law 
requires minors to get their parents' permission for 
an abortion. Because she was afraid to teli her 
parents she was pregnant, Becky Bell got a back- 
alley abortion that killed her. The Bells now travel 
thè country warning that parental notification laws 
kill young women. 

Buffalo, N.Y., next battleground 

Many speakers and protesters referred to 
"Operation Rescue" and its impending assault on 



women's clinics in Buffalo, N.Y. The upcoming 
Supreme Court decision in thè case of Planned 
Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania vs. 
Casey was also a major focus. 

The Supreme Court will hear arguments in thè 
Pennsylvania case on Aprii 22. The case involves 
a state law that prohibits married women from ob- 
taining an abortion without first notifying thè hu- 
sband, and requires all women to delay having an 
abortion until 24 hours after receiving an anti- 
choice lecture. 

The day after almost a million people marched for 
choice, thè Bush administration filed a friend-of- 
the-court brief calling for thè court to overturn Roe 
vs. Wade. "In our view, a state's interest in protec- 
ting fetal life throughout pregnancy, as a generai 
matter, outweighs a woman's liberty interest in an 
abortion," read thè brief. 

mn 

This article originally appeared in Workers World 
newspaper. A 10-week trial subscription is availa- 
ble for $2. A year's subscription costs $15. Makes 
checks payable to Workers World, and send to 46 
W. 21 St., New York, NY lOOIO.Phone (212) 255- 
0352. 

You may contact Workers World editors on New 
York Transfer or PeaceNet at "workers." 


from thè FEMINIST Newsfeed - NY Transfer News 
Service 

Modem: 718-448-2358 nytransfer igc.org nyxfer- 
panix.com 


4 File : palestin.wom 


date : 920328 920426 
from : nlns aps 

subject : palestinian women: empowerment 
and thè intifada 

From: PENN MITLNS.MIT.EDU (steve penn 26- 
567, 253-1521 Remember Our Humanity; Science 
is Not Neutrali MIT War Research Kills.) 

Included below is an article from thè New Libera- 
tion News Service (NLNS) Packet 2.7 
(supplemental) — our autoposter is posting one 
article at a time from this 168K file. To receive thè 
full file, use thè GET command (see bottom) on thè 
file NLNS PACKET ; to find out more about NLNS, 
use GET on NLNS BROCHURE and/or email 
Steve Penn at thè above address. 

To find out more about thè PROG-PUBS 
(Progressive Publications) email mailing list, use 
GET on CAMPUS PROGPUBS, or contact RJ 
Hinde at rjhl midway.uchicago.edu 
— Harel B. 


NLNS Packet 2.7b - 24 March 1992 


Palestinian Women: Empowerment and thè Inti- 
fada 

Frederique Amrouni and Alia Toukan, The McGill 
Daily 

Palestinian women bave played a cruciai 
role in thè national struggle for independence in 
thè Occupied Territories. This role enabled a partial 
emancipation from thè restrictions of their patriar- 
chal society. But, deeply-rooted social norms, 
coupled with Israeli oppression, have created ob- 
stacles in their daily struggle for freedom. 

"The current Palestinian uprising was 
made possible and continues because it is su- 
stained and supported by Palestinian women," said 
Lea Tsemel, an Israeli temale lawyer. She defen- 
ded Palestinians in thè courts before thè govern- 
ment prohibited her from working. 

With thè defeat of thè Arab powers in thè 
1967 war, thè Palestinian struggle took a turn 
towards popular politicai activism. This shift in fo- 
cus became most apparent in December 1987, 
with thè launching of thè Intifada (uprising) against 
thè occupying forces in Gaza Strip and thè West 
Bank. 

Increased popular resistance to thè Israeli 
occupation, emphasized thè need for more grass- 



roots organizations such as thè already active wo- 
men's unions. With thousands of men in prisons, 
women began to fili thè vacuum which was created 
in many sectors of thè community. 

Through their work, they challenged thè traditional 
economie division of labor. 

Alternative institutions provided Services 
and community infrastructure to replace those im- 
posed by thè Israeli government's Civil Administra- 
tion. As part of a boycott of Israeli goods, Palesti- 
nian women's cooperatives in thè West Bank in- 
creased their output of certain food stuffs. 

The West Bank and Gaza Strip had been Israel's 
second largest export market after thè United Sta- 
tes. 

Increasingly, women were found in thè 
front lines of demonstrations organized against thè 
Israeli occupiers. In thè first ten months of thè Inti- 
fada, 20 to 25 per cent of thè casualties were wo- 
men. The United National Leadership of thè Upri- 
sing remained flexible in order to avoid being di- 
smantled by thè Israeli army. This enabled women 
to assume leadership roles in politicai and com- 
munal committees. 

The Current Struggle 

Today, Palestinian women are fighting thè 
Israeli authorities and occupying forces, and thè 
traditional patriarchal structure and male domi- 
nance. Israeli soldiers show no gender discrimina- 
tion in their assaults on thè Palestinian population. 
Unveiled Palestinian women are often harassed on 
thè assumption that they are politicai activists. 
Some women refuse to overtly participate in de- 
monstrations for fear of becoming a "known face" 
to thè occupying authorities. 

A new representative of "Islamic funda- 
mentalism," Hamas has appeared on thè politicai 
scene and instigated some youths to harass un- 
veiled Palestinian women. Controversy has arisen 
about these attacks. 

But Hamas leaders claim that thè veil, particularly 
in thè Occupied Territories, is a Symbol of piety, 
integrity and honor. They argue thè veil is a Symbol 
of Palestinian national identity and their common 
struggle against thè Israeli occupiers. Palestinian 
women argue that wearing a veil is a personal 
choice. They demand thè liberation of their nation 
be preceded by thè liberation of women. 

Confronted with these forms of aggression, 
women have not remained passive. Activists ini— 
tiate demonstrations which bring them face to face 
with Israeli soldiers on a daily basis. They protect 
young Palestinian boys from soldiers' boots and ri- 
fle butts. Unveiled Palestinian temale activists defy 
Hamas by seeking support and protection from 
their politicai organizations. The United National 
Leadership of thè Uprising called for thè attacks to 


end and for thè valuable contributions of Palesti- 
nian women to be recognized. 

Limits to Emancipation 

There are limits to such noble declarations. 
Palestinian society has experienced dramatic 
change with thè resistance. Since thè beginning of 
thè Intifada, a great number of Palestinians, nota- 
bly women and thè rural population, have ben able 
to participate in thè politicai struggle. 

The mobilization of women is no longer 
restricted to thè urban middle-class. But it does 
not necessarily imply equal status and politicai 
power in comparison to men. 

"Our position in thè politicai struggle has 
changed, but our position in social life has not," 
said Najwa, a women's committee activist. 

Women's involvement in P.L.O. commit- 
tees and decision-making bodies is stili limited. 
They remain notìceably underrepresented. Issues 
pertaining to women are rarely addressed and of- 
ten only in order to guarantee broad popuiar sup- 
port. Appeals for solidarity against thè Zionist for- 
ces are sometimes used to sidetrack thè legitimate 
demands of women. 

The decision-making process of thè lea- 
dership of thè Intifada is much less restrictive than 
prior organizations. Yet Palestinian feminists are 
uncertain as to how women's role in committees is 
valued. This indicates a reai lack of due recogni- 
tion. Many Palestinian women are eager to move 
away from traditional temale functions, such as fa- 
mily support, day-cares and charitable organiza- 
tions. 

Palestinian women must continue to tight 
for recognition of their equality and independence 
in thè context of thè politicai struggle in order to 
avoid thè fate of their Algerian counterparts. 

"The point is that women have to change 
their ideas about themselves. We are struggling for 
independence but we don't want to compromise 
our role as women," said a women activist. 

Like other revolutions or struggles for na- 
tional independence, whether in thè West or in thè 
East, women’s rights remain largely unfulfilled. 
Palestinian feminists and activists are up against 
more than thè Israeli army. But thè occupying for- 
ces are stili thè main source of instability for Pale- 
stinian society. 

The empowerment of women is an obvious 
source of strength for thè national Palestinian 
struggle for independence. 

SI DEBAR: A Historical Perspective 

Palestinian women have progressively 
acquired heightened politicai awareness. Origi- 
nally, their liberation depended primarily on their 
social status and religious affiliation. 



employ covert methods such as infiltration that 
deeply penetrate thè private sphere without any 
legai regulations and safeguards, where relative 
less harmful techniques such as wiretapping come 
under strict rules. We have to conclude, he says, 
that in thè domain of leftist terrorism thè V-mann 
(infiltrator) method has led us nowhere. Jachmann 
also expressed surprise at thè resistance of many 
of his colleagues to agree with a list of permitted 
intelligence methods and techniques in legislation. 
"In my thirty years experience I have not come 
across any really new means", so there are no so- 
lid arguments against such an exhausting enume- 
ration. Also thè Verfassungsschutz should not 
have thè Virtual monopoly of definition it now has in 
practice, by which it can label specific persons or 
groups as enemies of thè constitution. 

When asked what good thè LfV Bremen was for 
ordinary people, Jachmann claimed several recent 
successful operations against Turkish intelligence 
(MIT) that was harassing immigrants and their re- 
latives back home. Several other seminar partici— 
pants then cited examples of "friendly" intelligence 
Services behaving not too friendly. Renate Kue- 
nast, who as an MP for Buendnis 90/Die Gruenen 
in Berlin is a member of thè intelligence oversight 
commission, added to this that in Berlin Mossad 
operatives had recently been given access to Pa- 
lestinians under questioning in police custody. 
When speaking about thè violent extreme rightists 
as a new legitimation for thè Verfassungsschutz, 
Jachmann explained that “we have written to those 
politicians responsible that they should stop 
making statements on shortened procedures for 
refugees on airports etc.“, because coming from 
respectable authorities such statements encourage 
racist violence. 

In an page-long article in thè Berlin Tageszeitung 
on March 30, German researcher Falco Werkentin 
tried to put thè present image of thè former East 
Germans as a people of squealers and denuncia- 
tors in a proper perspective. Using confidential 
BKA statistics, Werkentin shows that of thè 10,000 
to 15,000 Staatsschutz (state security) investiga- 
tìons initiated yearly in former West Germany, 
some 60 to 70% originated from information vo- 
luntarily provided by civilians. Most of these 
"politicai crimes" are in thè sphere of espionage, 
treason, "terrorist" activities, public order violations 
during demonstrations, sabotage, press law viola- 
tions and thè like. 

Equally interesting is thè fact that although thè 
number of Verfassungsschutz officials has risen 
from 2.480 in 1970 to some 5.100 in 1990, thè 
percentage of Staatsschutz investigations that ori- 
ginated from Verfassungsschutz and other intelli- 
gence Services indications steadily declined from 


2.4% in thè early 1970s to 0.3% in 1985 (no later 
figure is available). Werkentin concludes that such 
an ineffective organization had best be liquidated 
by thè Treuhand, which has vast experience in 
closing down factories in thè former GDR. 

The heads of thè Landesaemter fuer Verfassun- 
gsschutz could not have been amused at their na- 
tional meeting that same Monday: on thè agenda 
was thè new Verfassungsschutz public relations 
policy. 

After a five-year juridical battle, thè Ministry of thè 
Interior of Niedersachsen agreed on March 23 to 
no longer consider thè Humanistische Union (HU) 
an extremist organization just because it protested 
against thè census in 1 987. Landesamt fuer Ver- 
fassungsschutz (LfV) chief Peter Frisch, now vice- 
president of thè Bundesamt fuer Verfassungs- 
schutz, warned politicians in a confidential memo- 
randum in January 1987 that criticai publications in 
thè press and thè activities of groups such as thè 
Green Party, thè Young Democrats and thè HU 
against thè census constituted thè most serious 
threat to it. In thè same memo Frisch also warned 
that bomb attacks against thè census could be 
expected. 

The HU obtained a copy from a friendly politician 
and subsequently launched a fierce protest against 
what it considered a libellous accusation. Even a 
new progressive government, in which HU member 
Claus Henning Schapper (SPD) became respon- 
sible for thè Niedersachsen LfV, could not bring 
itself to admit it had been overzealous. Now, forced 
by a Bundesverfassungsgericht judgment, thè 
government finally stated it held different views on 
thè matter than its predecessor and that thè HU 
would in thè future not be placed under LfV ob- 
servation on thè sole basis of holding similar views 
as enemies of thè constitution. 



12 File : n!0426a2.isr 


date : 920426 

from : Initiative group: stop thè settlements aps 
subject : Stop thè Israelian settlements in Pa- 
lestine / netherlands 

Despite International (juridical) agreements on thè 
Occupied Territories and thè condemnation of thè 
settlement policy, Israel manages to continue its 
policy. The aim is clear: definitive annexation and 
colonisation of these areas. Consequently Israel is 
not really interested in an international peace con- 
ference at thè moment, fearing that this conference 
could put pressure on them to give up thè Occu- 
pied Territories. Efforts are being made to protact 
thè time and excuses are sought to let thè confe- 
rence break down as soon as possible. Therefore 
we should not have too high expectations of this 
conference directed by thè United States. Another 
reason for this is that in thè past thè U.S never lif— 
ted a finger to find a solution for thè Palestines or 
put an end to thè settlements, but rather did thè 
opposite. The Israelian settlement policy is in a 
decisive phase at thè moment. This gives us every 
reason to take action. 

From day to day one can see thè settlements 
grow in thè Occupied Territories (West Bank, 
Gaza-strip, Golan Heights and East Jerusalem). 
These settlements are exclusively intended for 
Jewish Israelian colonists who come to settle here 
with theirfamilies. 

The objective for thè coming years is to doublé thè 
number of colonists. On thè other hand thè utmost 
is done to make thè life of thè Palestinians impos- 
sible: houses are blown up or demolished, land is 
expropriated, water sources are annexed, building 
permissions not issued, trees and vegetation 
uprooted and thè freedom of movement restricted 
by thè pass System. 

The existing settlements are extended and new 
ones are built around concentrations of Palestine 
villages and towns and along thè Green Line (thè 
border between thè Occupied Territories and 
Israel). In this way thè Palestine population is in- 
ternally isolated in ghetto-like areas, thus trying to 
make any form of resistance impossible. Moreover, 
thè area is divided by thè construction of a new 
road-system, which guarantees thè transport from, 
to and between thè settlements, but has no con- 
nections with Palestine villages and towns. 

Not only do Jewish Israelis settle in thè Occupied 
Territories for ideologica! reasons, but also for fi- 


nancial reasons. Many measures have been taken 
to make life in a settlement economically attractive. 
New colonists get subsidies, partly interest-free 
loans, free or cheap ground and have to contribute 
nothing to thè construction of thè infrastructure: 
advantages life in Israel does not have. This forces 
financial weaker Jewish Israelis to move to thè 
Occupied Territories. 

This Israeli population policy will be strongly carried 
through in thè years to come; also due to thè large 
numbers of new immigrants thè pressure on thè 
housing market increases considerably. Due to this 
pressure thè Palestine population will slowly be 
suffocated and driven off and for those who stay 
only thè position of secondclass Citizen remains. 
So, Israel will deteriorate into an apartheid state. 

For us it is clear that something will have to hap- 
pen now. An active condemnation of Israel's set- 
tlement policy in thè form of a boycott of Israelian 
Products seems appropriate with thè demandi a 
stop to thè settlements in Palestine, both thè new 
and thè existing ones. With this boycott we want to 
exercise pressure on thè Israeli economy, thè only 
place where it will hurt. But also pressure on thè 
politicians in thè Netherlands to take action. They 
can be no peace in thè Middle East before thè ri- 
ghts of thè Palestine people are respected. 

To set thè boycott in action we as initiative group 
have developed a number of activities: a new- 
spaper giving information on thè settlement policy, 
a poster and a leaflet. All these are made for na- 
tional distribution and can be picked up or ordered 
free of charge at thè address hereunder. Further- 
more we want to place an advertisement in natio- 
nal newspapers with all thè groups which support 
thè demand. We invite everybody to do all kinds of 
actions: picketlines, handing out leaflets, entering 
into discussion with shops which sell Israelian 
Products, hanging out banners, printing T-shirts, 
etc. 

Initiative group: stop thè settlements 

The initiative group consists off people from thè 

Autonoom info/axieCentrum, 

Contactaddress: 

Kinkerstraat 48hs 
1 053 DX Amsterdam 
Tel. 020-6126172 
Fax 020-61 68967 

Financial contributions giro 6131418 of Stichting 
Afval Amsterdam, mentioning Stop The Settle- 
ments. 



13 File : n!0426a1.jus 


date : 920426 
from : aps 

subject : News on policing, security, intelli- 
gence and thè judiciary in The Netherlands, 
Feb-March 1992 

On March 11, Dutch parliament had a two-hour 
debate about thè sudden close-down of thè Inli— 
chtingendienst Buiteniand (IDB-foreign intelligence 
Service) last February. 

Some MPs criticized Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers 
for bad management of thè IDB, while others 
wondered whether Holland could do without a fo- 
reign intelligence Service. How will contacts with 
sister Services be conducted in future, and will 
Dutch officials stili be able to operate in thè Inter- 
national quid prò quo intelligence game? 

PM Lubbers stressed that he would be hard pres- 
sed to name any other part of his General Affairs 
department to which he has devoted so much at- 
tention in recent years. He explained that mainly 
for financial reasons he had been doubting for ye- 
ars whether thè IDB should continue to exist, but 
consumers of IDB-products had advised him to 
maintain an IDB capacity, be it in a much trimmed 
down fashion. The already fragile IDB position was 
further weakened by what Mr. Lubbers called thè 
"leaking basket phenomenon". "This ended all my 
doubts" said thè PM. He decided on Feb 6 to li- 
quidate thè IDB "because of thè risks involved in 
working in a sieve", probably referring here to an 
highly sensitive mission of IDB personnei working 
"somewhere in thè Middle East." 

Mr. Lubbers explained that internai tensions in thè 
IDB were caused to a certain extent by thè orga- 
nization's unclear tasks in relation to developments 
in a fast-changing world. 

The Rijksrecherche, thè independent judicial po- 
lice, is stili investigating possible criminal acts by 
IDB staff and personnei, including fraud, but also 
thè leaking of classified information. At thè same 
time thè President of thè Algemene Rekenkamer 
(General Accounting Office) looks into thè financial 
aspects, but has so far not found any problems or 
irregularities. 

At thè end of thè debate, Mr. Lubbers could reas- 
sure MPs on thè possible loss of operational pre- 
sence through thè dismantling of thè IDB: "The 
cover needs to be reorganized in order to allow thè 
continuation of operations." 

(comment) thè investigative role of thè president of 
thè Rekenkamer could be questioned because he 
has been responsible for overseeing thè IDB's 
classified spending in thè first place, including 


those of IDB cover organizations such as thè 
Biathlon Foundation. All activities of this founda- 
tion, of which thè head of thè IDB, Mr. Meulmee- 
ster, and another staff member were members of 
thè board, were ceased after disgruntled IDB per- 
sonnei accused Meulmeester of pocketing over 
100,000 guilders via this foundation. Meulmeester 
meanwhile stili co-ordinates thè IDB's anti-drug 
operations in Latin-America, now under thè au- 
spices of thè Centrale Recherche Informatiedienst 
(Central criminal information service-CRI). 


On March 24, Dutch parliament had an 6-hour 
debate on thè Bìnnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst 
(BVD). Although virtually all parties expressed a 
desire to improve parliamentary oversight, pro- 
blems of procedure were stili in thè way of a solu- 
tion. 

There were calls for thè formation of a small inde- 
pendent oversight committee, and to extend thè 
present parliamentary oversight committee (CIVD), 
membership of which is now limited to thè chair- 
men of thè four largest parties. 

MPs repeated their request made a year ago that 
thè CIVD would look into thè implementation of 
these two options, but CIVD chairman Mr. Eleo 
Brinkman made it clear that he strongly opposed 
this. He felt that it might endanger thè prepared- 
ness of thè minister and thè BVD to provide thè 
sensitive information necessary for oversight. MPs 
reluctantly concluded that they would have to seek 
other ways to realize their ideas. 

Most MPs criticized thè recent BVD report, espe- 
cially in thè stress it laìd on thè threat of Muslim 
fundamentalism compared to thè Virtual ignorance 
of racist violence. thè minister of thè interior Mrs 
Dales however defended thè apparent imbalance 
by claiming that BVD investigations had shown that 
no extreme right party or organization was involved 
in thè recent wave of attacks against thè houses 
and businesses of immigrants. The perpetrators 
according to Mrs. Dales were now thought to be 
fringe group youths, who used varying names and 
primitive devices in their attacks. 

In discussing some alarming recent press publica- 
tions on thè "explosive situation" within thè BVD, 
both thè minister Mrs. 

Dales and Mr. Brinkman ensured MPs thè allega- 
tions were totally unsubstantiated. Mrs. Dales 
quoted messages on thè internai BVD E-mail Sy- 
stem in which functionaries called thè allegations 
"complete nonsense". 

In discussing BVD information gathering on asylum 
seekers from thè Aliens Department, Mrs. Dales 
explained that thè BVD was routinely provided with 
thè names and other basic data of certain agreed 



categories of refugees seeking asylum. The BVD 
then ordered thè complete files on thè persons 
they were interested in, which occurred in some 
130 cases in thè last eight months. This resulted in 
about twenty BVD attempts to seek further infor- 
mation or collaboration from asylum seekers 
themselves, Mrs. Dales stressed that information 
on vulnerale individuate such as Iraqi or Kurdish 
refugees would never be provided to thè security 
Services of their home countries, but "when for in- 
stance a member of thè Hezboliah seeks refugee 
here, we have to ask information from Israeli or 
U.S. 

intelligence". Mrs. Dales claimed that thè interna- 
tional exchange of information was strictly regula- 
ted in that information could only be used for thè 
agreed purpose for which it was provided and that 
it could not be passed on without agreement of thè 
originai providing Service (so-called "third country 
principle"). The BVD, she said, would not have di- 
rect access to thè Schengen Information System: 
all requests had to be directed to thè national NSIS 
institution via thè CRI. 

Furthermore, every new intelligence officer from a 
befriended country stationed in Holland was per- 
sonally invited by thè Head of thè BVD Mr. Docters 
van Leeuwen, who would make clear that no in- 
dependent intelligence activities were allowed 
without thè informed consent of thè Dutch govern- 
ment. Although KGB officers had repeatedly ex- 
pressed an interest in collaboration, Mrs. Dales 
explained that hostile intelligence activities by thè 
KGB were stili carried out on Dutch soil so that 
cooperation in thè field of counterterrorism or pro- 
liferation was not considered wise at this moment. 
However, friendly contacts with thè Hungarian and 
Czech intelligence Services have meanwhile been 
established. On questions of MPs regarding BVD 
interest in thè activities of solidarity movements, 
thè minister said that all potentially harmful activi- 
ties undertaken from Dutch soil against other go- 
vernments, even non-allies, constitute a violation 
of thè International legai order and were therefore 
by definition a matter of concern for thè BVD. 

CIVD recently agreed on further reduction of 0 & I 
Services (Dutch Gladio). In an answer to earlier 
questions on alleged private funding of thè 
networks, CIVD chairman Mr. Brinkman refused to 
go any further than to say that thè committee had 
been informed and that thè explanation given was 
satisfactory. 

Finally, parliament was informed that an ad hoc 
committee has been formed to oversee thè de- 
struction of thè BVD archives. 

Members are G. Zoutendijk, J. de Ruiter and S. 
Miedema. 

MPs have now run up against a substantial politicai 
blockade against improvements of oversight. No 


one dared to state that thè present oversight com- 
mittee isn't effective, since this would imply a di- 
sagreement with thè party chairman and indeed a 
vote of no confidence in his ability. Mrs. Dales 
didn't intervene in these issues because she cle- 
arly felt thè mechanism of this trusted MP commit- 
tee now served its purpose quite well in discoura- 
ging other MPs from prying in confidential matters. 
In debating thè recent attacks against immigrants, 
MPs, not having any information on thè results of 
police and BVD investigations, where not in a 
position to contradict Mrs. Dales when she played 
down thè seriousness and professionalism of thè 
perpetrators. She claimed BVD evidence showed 
thè perpetrators were probably fringe group 
youngsters. In a reaction to this, thè The Hague 
police publicly dissociated itself from this analysis. 
"The attacks in our town do show a pattern of 
connections. We are investigating in right-wing 
circles because of thè choice of thè objects and thè 
way in which thè attacks are claimed or announ- 
ced. The minister's statements are completely on 
her account" a police spokesman said. Following 
this, Mrs. Dales had to admit in parliament that thè 
BVD and thè The Hague municipal police appa- 
rente held diverging views on thè nature of thè 
suspected perpetrators of thè racist bomb attacks. 


The combined police-BVD investigation team 
LCT-2 on thè Rara bombings of secretary of Ju- 
stice Kosto's house and thè ministry of thè Interior 
building in protest against immigration policy, late 
1991, has published a statement in which it prote- 
ste against its Virtual closing down by thè ministry 
of Justice. The reason given is that after five 
months thè team fails to produce results, while thè 
costs so far have far exceeded a million guilders. 
The ministry of justice can no longer justify spen- 
ding large amounts of money on thè Rara team 
which it withholds from thè fight against drugs and 
organized crime. 

Therefore thè LCT-2 secret centrai office will be 
shut down, and thè detectives and BVD operatives 
will return to their own bureaus and offices. Ateo 
thè specially leased cars and technical and logi- 
stica! support will be withdrawn, which in effect all 
but ends thè operation. A Ministry of Justice 
spokesman stated that investigations will be con- 
tinued for thè rest of 1992, with a reduced budget 
of "several 100,000 guilders. 

This management decision of thè ministry of Ju- 
stice comes as another blow to thè already pro- 
blematic police-BVD cooperation. The working at- 
mosphere within thè team was reportedly tense, 
with law enforcement and intelligence officers 
withholding information and even spying on one 



another. The lack of success that's now admitted 
will not do much good for thè BVD's prestige. Only 
last week minister of thè Interior Mrs Dales had to 
admit that thè BVD and thè The Hague municipal 
police held conflicting views on thè suspected cir- 
cles of perpetrators of racist attacks and bombings 
against migrant shops and houses in The Hague 
since late 1991. 


The Municipal public transport Service in Amster- 
dam will shortly start an experiment with pocket 
computers to counter fare dodging. The pocket 
computer will contain all thè address information 
from thè telephone directory on a CD-ROM disk. 
Thus thè ticket inspector can immediately check a 
fare dodger's name, house number and zip code 
(which in Holland covers about 15 addresses). If 
thè supplied information doesn't match with thè 
database, thè dodger is required to show a pas- 
sport or similar document to verify thè information. 

In case this doesn't satisfy thè inspector either, thè 
person will escorted to a police station. In anticipa- 
tion of this experiment, thè inspectors now carry 
portable telephone sets enabling them to check 
with thè Public Register. 


The area in thè Amsterdam inner city where spe- 
cial public order measures are enforced to fight 
drugs nuisance has been enlarged substantially on 
thè Mayor's orders. The decision was taken be- 
cause a significant part of thè nuisance connected 
with thè selling of drugs in thè streets moved to 
other parts of town as a consequence of thè strie- 
ter policing on drugs selling in thè inner city. In thè 
area where thè "gathering interdiction" is enforced 
it is forbidden to openly possess, consume or sell 
narcotics. Also thè carrying of knives is not al- 
lowed, as well as causing a public nuisance by 
certain behavior, fighting and intimidating thè ge- 
nerai public. Those persons known to thè police as 
drugs users or dealers are not allowed to gather in 
thè streets with more than four people. 

In case of violation of these rules, thè police can 
order a person not to come into thè area for a pe- 
riod of eight hours. 

Ignoring such an order for fìve times in a row will 
result in a two week ban from thè area. The autho- 
rities now contemplate extending thè "gathering 
interdiction" to some areas outside thè inner city in 
case thè nuisance by drugs users will not lessen 
there. 


Late March, thè Dutch cabinet presented thè bill 
that will regulate thè new regional police structure. 
With it thè cabinet intends to improve thè quality of 
policing and turn thè police into a more effective 
crime fighting force. 

According to schedule, thè whole reorganization 
should be completed in Aprii 1993. Holland will 
then have 25 regional police forces and a bureau 
for national police Services. The regional forces will 
be supervised by thè mayor of thè largest city in 
thè region, who has to work together closely with 
thè chief Public Prosecutor and thè chief of police. 
He will be accountable to a regional council consi- 
sting of thè mayors of all thè towns in thè district 
and thè chief Public Prosecutor. 

This council will also administer thè yearly budget 
and thè generai policy of thè regional force. The 
minister of Justice will be in charge of thè national 
bureau. Many experts, including thè Raad van 
State (State Council, thè government's most pro- 
minent advisory body), have severely criticized thè 
apparent lack of democratic control over thè police 
in this new structure, especially since Dutch 
mayors are not elected but appointed by thè 
queen. Both cabinet and parliament however have 
so far chosen to ignore this. In thè new situation, a 
mayor will be accountable to his town council for 
police policy as he is now, but in most cases he will 
only have a minor say in thè regional council go- 
verning thè police. 

Here he can be faced with as many as thirty col- 
leagues and thè office of thè Public prosecutor, all 
with conflicting interests. The mayor's authority 
over thè police in his town with regard to public 
order and safety will remain unaffected. 


The four special arrest squads of thè Rijkspolitie 
(Dutch State Police) are undermanned. One of thè 
causes is thè uncertainty over thè future of thè 
teams after thè coming police reorganization. A 
recent survey calculated that this reorganization 
will exceed thè budget estimates made so far by at 
least 95 million guilders. 


The Moons Commission, a judicial advisory com- 
mission to thè Dutch cabinet for thè 
"rationalization" of criminal and judicial procedures, 
is currently debating some far-reaching proposals. 
A sub-committee of "Moons" has drafted thè 
suggestion to convict suspeets only on their own 
statements and confession, without thè separate 
legai and convincing proof that is now needed. 
Such a shortened and simplified procedure, which 
also exists in Anglo-saxon countries, Italy and 



Germany, would greatly contribute to thè efficiency 
of thè legai process. This new suggestion carne so 
unexpectedly that so far no criticai comments have 
been voiced, but one could expect strong opposi- 
tion if it carne to a formai advice. The Moons com- 
mission is expected to present its final report Co- 
rning September. 


The Rijkspolitie during a massive raid in March on 
a distribution company in Geldermalsen has arre- 
sted four illegal alien workers. 120 police officers 
were brought in by riot police busses and once in- 
side thè company building immediately began se- 
parating white from colored personnel. The entire 
operation was videotaped by police, while a heli- 
copter circled over thè area to spot possible esca- 
ping illegal workers. A total of seventy colored 
people who could not identify themselves at thè 
spot where transported to thè police HQ. 

Some of them had to stay there all day because 
they weren't able to reach anyone who could bring 
their identification papers. In thè end four workers 
could not proof their legai status. MP's of thè 
Green Left party questioned thè ministers of Ju- 
stice and Social Affairs on thè operation, which 
they described as "hard-handed, discourteous and 
discriminating." 

The police deny that any discriminating acts have 
taken place. 


The Dutch ministry of Justice has a confidential list 
for internai usage of countries to which asylum 
seekers can be returned without problems. The 
existence of such a list has been denied by a mi- 
nistry spokesperson, but there is a clear mentio- 
ning of it in recent confidential minutes of a mee- 
ting of officiate. It is not known which countries are 
on thè list. 

The minutes say that there is an "internai" list of 
countries to which refugees can be returned, but 
no references to this list are to be made in thè offi- 
ciai order. The minutes further indicate that almost 
all asylum seekers are offered a "tolerated status" 
even when thè asylum seeker has a strong case. 
This means that ateo in cases that can lead to 
granting a full politicai asylum status, thè ministry 
of Justice tries to get thè refugee to accept a 
"tolerated status" that offers far less rights. This 
"tolerated status" implies that in thè first three ye- 
ars, whenever thè government decides that thè si- 
tuation in thè country of origin has improved, thè 
refugee can be expeiied. 

On thè basis of new regulations that carne into 
power last January, almost half thè asylum seekers 


will be detained in new half-closed relief centers. 
These are centers surrounded by a fence where 
thè asylum seeker is supplied with a magnetic 
identity card. He or she has to report twice daily 
and there is a guarded entrance. According to se- 
cretary of Justice Kosto thè refugees are allowed 
to leave at any time, but only in one direction: out 
of thè country. 

The ministry of Justice wants to tackle thè problem 
of illegal immigrante travelling to Holland on forged 
travel documents in thè country of origin. Dutch 
marechaussees (military police) will soon begin 
advising thè locai authorities in Ghana and Nigeria 
on recognizing forged documents. The mare- 
chaussees will not be stationed in Africa perma- 
nently, but they will accompany people who are 
expeiied from Holland and subsequently stay for 
some days to work on their new task. The project is 
expected to start this summer. Refugee organiza- 
tions have severely criticized thè pian because 
"reai" asylum seekers often have no access to le- 
gitimate travel documents. 


The rijkspolitie (state police) has announced it will 
not undertake anymore infiltration operations in thè 
near future. 

This decision has been made in reaction to several 
recent trials in which thè court demanded to know 
thè names of undercover officers. The rijkspolitie is 
afraid thè names of its officers will become known 
to criminal elements. The office of thè Public Pro- 
secutor will soon meet with rijkspolitie officiate to 
discuss thè problems. Since 1985 police under- 
cover officers increasingly infiltrate in thè un- 
derworld. During thè judicial inquiry they make a 
statement to thè examining judge on their activi- 
ties. At this occasion, thè officers identify them- 
selves with a number and wear disguises such as 
wigs. A superior officer then confirms that thè 
agent is in fact a police officer. Undercover agente 
of thè municipal police forces do give their names 
to thè examining judge. 


Former Amsterdam police officers in cooperation 
with thè police recently started a Risk Advice Cen- 
ter which specializes in selling professional advice 
on corporate security and risk control to thè busi- 
ness community. The advice centre is staffed with 
pensioned police officers and others with adequate 
experience. The foundation is completeiy inde- 
pendent and has no connection with thè regular 
police budget. Officers in active Service can 
however with thè approvai of their superiors give 
special courses for clients. The Amsterdam police 



Palestinian Christian women were often 
part of thè middle-class and, consequently, edu- 
cation and politicai organizations were more readily 
accessible to them. Muslim women also became 
increasingly involved in community affairs and by 
1903 a charitable women's organization was crea- 
ted. 

This organization was mostly apoliticai and 
non-influential. In conjunction with other groups it 
set up nursing, relief and educational networks. It 
also became active in thè Palestinian struggle for 
independence. Women emerged onto thè politicai 
scene, as a result of thè British mandate, by parti— 
cipating in thè anti-Zionist demonstrations. 

In thè aftermath of thè 1948 war, a few 
women began to take up thè armed struggle 
alongside their male counterparts. 

With thè creation of thè P.L.O. in 1964, 
women's organizations were established. The 
General Union for Palestinian Women was set up 
in 1965 and proceeded to create centers for thè 
children of thè martyrs, literacy classes, hospitals, 
family support networks and various workshops. 

Women were very active in thè Palestine 
Red Crescent Society, created in 1965 providing 
medicai Services. They also participated in thè Pa- 
lestinian Martyr's Work Society (PMWS), establi- 
shed in 1970, providing vocational training to fami- 
lies. In Lebanon, women accounted for more than 
half of thè 5,000 PMWS employees. 

Later, these organizations were activated 
by women of thè dispora living abroad, working in 
Palestinian communities. They now operate as a 
main source of support in an attempt to inform thè 
host population of thè Palestinian's plight. 

The McGill Daily can be reached at 3840 McTa- 
vish, room B-03, Montreal, Quebec, Canada H3A 
1X9; (514) 398-6784. 


5 File : bookrev.fas 


date : 920416 920426 

from : peter klerks aps 

subject : German book on extreme right and 

International contacts 

The German "Antìfascistischen Autorenkollektiv 
Berlin" published a book "Drahtzieher im Braunen 
Netz, der Wiederaufbau der NSDAP" (Berlin; Am- 
sterdam: Edition ID-Archiv, 1992, ISBN 3-89408- 
022-1, 176 pp., dfl 26,80. Address: ID- Archiv im 
Intemationalen Institut fuer Sozialgeschichte, 
Cruquiusweg 31, NL-1019 AT Amsterdam) on thè 
growing extreme right movement in Germany and 
its international connections. 

The book provides many details and hundreds of 
names and organizations and it is richly illustrateti 
with dozens of pictures of neonazi prominent figu— 
res and heavyweights. 

* Origin: APS Amsterdam, bbs +31-20-6894198 
(16:31/1) 



6 File : europpol.jus 


date : 920426 

from : comitee schluss mit den snueffelstaat @ 
aps 

subject : "Widerstand gegen Europol" /written 
in german 

Einladung zur Tagung 

"Widerstand gegen Europol" 

in Bern (CH) am Samstag, 20. Juni 1992 

★ 

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, 

Obwohl ein Offizieller EG-Beitritt der Schweiz noch 
in weiter Ferne steht, versuchen die Bundesbeho- 
erden gerade im "Ueberwachungsbereich" sich 
moeglichst eng an Europa anzubinden, das Eu- 
ropa der Ueberwacher zu unterstuetzen. 

Nachdem im November 1989 bekannt wurde, dass 
die Schweizerische Bundesanwaltschaft ueber 
900,000 Personen (zwei Drittel davon Auslaende- 
rinnen und Auslaender) Registraturkarten und Ak- 
ten fuehrt, gruendeten engagierte und betroffene 
Personen under Komitee, u.a. mit dem Ziel, die 
Politische Polizei, die Schnueffelpolizei, abzu- 
schaffen, den Betroffenen zu ihrem Akteneinsicht- 
srecht zu verhelfen. 

Praeventiv beobachtet und registriert wird in der 
Schweiz nach wie vor ohne genuegende gesetzli- 
che Grundlage. Ein Entwurf fuer ein dazu notwen- 
diges Staatsschutzgesetz liegt unterdessen vor, 
nicht zuletzt soli auch dieses Gesetz Europa- 
kompatìbel werden. Es gilt daher auch fuer uns, 
den Widerstand gegen Europol aufzubauen. 

Dazu moechten wir mit einer Tagung vom Sam- 
stag, dem 20. Juni 92, den Anfanf machen. Vor- 
gaengig sazu planen wir - zusammen mit Euch 
alien - eine Pressekonferenz, an welcher Ihr Ge- 
legenheit haettet, Eure Widerstandsarbeit vorzu- 
stellen anhand von Beispielen, Broschueren und 
einer kurzen muendlichen Einfuehrung/Darstellung 
Eurer Organisation. Diese Pressekonferenz - so 
ist es geplant - soli am Freitag, den 19. 

Juni 1992, ca. 15.00 Uhr, stattfinden. An der Ta- 
gung selbst vom Samstag bieten wir Euch Gele- 
genheit, mit einem Informationsstand Eure Unter- 
lagen zu verkaufen, mit den Tagungsteilnehme- 
rlnnen Kontakt aufzunehmen usw. 

Wir stellen uns vor, dass Ihr je ein Person aus Eu- 
rer Vereinigung/Organisation an unsere Tagung 
delegieren koennt. 

Fuer Uebernachtungsmoeglichkeiten koennen wir 
Euch - im Rahmen der Zug-Fahrpreise - einen 
Beitrag an Eure Reisekosten leisten. 


Wir freuen uns seher auf Eure Mitearbeit und mo- 
echten Euch bitten, die beilìegende Anmeldung 
auszufuellen und bis spaetestens Ende Aprii 1992 
an uns zurueckzuschicken, damit wir das definitive 
Programm gestalten koennen. 

Selbstverstaendlich stehen wir Euch fuer Rueck- 
fragen geme zur Verfuegung, allerdings ist unser 
Buero vom 13.-15. Aprii 1992 ferienhalber ge- 
schlossen (auch wir brauchen mal eine Ver- 
seli naufpause). Das genaue Programm fuer die 
beiden Tage werden wir Euch dann anfangs Mai 
so rasch als moeglich zuschicken. 

Mit besten Gruessen 
Catherine Weber 

•k 

Anmeldung einschicken bis spaetestens 30. Aprii 
1992 

an: Komitee Schluss mit den Schnueffelstaat 

Postfach 6948 

3001 Bern-Schweiz 

fax: 0041 31 452258 

tei: 0041 31 454858 


7 File : gerpolma.fas 


date : 920421 @ 920426 

from : peter klerks @ aps 

subject : German police magazine on antifa- 

scist movement /ecn! 

German authorities consider antifascist movement 
a security threat. 

In thè March issue of thè German police magazine 
"Kriminalistik", journalist Matthias Mletzko descri- 
bes thè antagonism between right wing extremists 
and antifascists as a considerable security problem 
for thè near future. 

In thè 5-page article, "Die “ANTIFA'-Kampagne 
autonomer Gruppen", Mletzko sketches what he 
sees as a historical continuum between thè pre- 
war KPD communist party and Rot Frontkaempfer 
(Red Front Fighters) and thè present militant anti- 
fascist movement in Germany. He points at com- 
mon slogans and cites texts from violent 
"antifascist" groups to point out their preparedness 
under certain conditions to commit politicai mur- 
ders. Mletzko says that thè concept of "fascism" is 
stretched to include "western imperialism" and cri— 
ticized government policy in thè field of migrants. 
Antifascism, he says, has always been an instru- 
ment of orthodox communist organizations for poli- 



tical manipulation and disinformation, and is now 
serving as a mobilization theme for left extremists. 
Mletzko continues by quoting a number of antifa- 
scist magazines and newsletters such as "Radika!" 
and "Antifascistische Nachrichten", thus illustrating 
a.o. thè financial support of British groups for Ger- 
man militants after publications in thè British anti- 
fascist magazine Searchlight. He describes thè ef- 
forts to build up antifascist networks and organiza- 
tions, and sums up violent antifascist attacks late 
1991 on right wing meetings and buildings, on 
newspaper offices in Goettingen and on thè police. 
Special emphasis is given to an international con- 
gress of some 2,000 militants in Venice in June 
1991, which according to Mletzko resulted in thè 
antifascist organizations reaching a new level of 
professionalism. A clear indication of this would be 
thè "European Counter Network (ECN)", an on- 
line network of computers distributing leftist Infor- 
mation. On an international meeting of "Infoladen" 
(info-shops) in Heidelberg in November 1991, it 
was claimed that like-minded groups from Poland, 
Norway, Holland, Belgium, Denmark, Greece, 
Spain and Switzerland were preparing to join this 
computer network. Also thè German antifascists 
would have intensified contacts with organizations 
such as Dev Sol and thè PKK. 

Statistics of thè German Bundeskriminalamt for 
1991 show that right wing acts of violence (2 
murders, 375 fire- and explosive attacks, 369 ca- 
ses of bodily harm, 572 cases of damage) far 
outnumber leftist acts of violence (2 killings (RAF 
attempts on Rohwedder and Klein) and 166 fire— 
and explosive attacks). However, Mletzko argues 
that thè left wing militant movement is thè more 
dangerous one, because it has developed a much 
higher level of organization and has managed to 
attain more intelligent planning and tactics. 

Earlier articles of interest on this theme, with de- 
tailed information on right wing extremist organiza- 
tions, appeared in Kriminalistik in October 1991 
(Bernd Wagner, Landeskriminalamt Berlin, 
"Eldorado fuer Neonazis?" on thè situation re. right 
wing extremism in thè Laender of thè former GDR) 
and January 1992 (Wolfgang Steinke, BKA, 
"Gewalt gegen Auslaender" on thè new right wing 
militancy). 

* Origin: APS Amsterdam, bbs +31-20-6894198 
(16:31/1) 


8 File : nf5reque.tur 


date : 920426 

from : peter klerks @ aps 

subject : Turkish NF-5 bombers against 

Kurds? 

Turkish NF-5 bombers against Kurds? 

MRM is a Dutch monthly magazine dedicated to 
human rights and supported by a.o. thè Dutch sec- 
tion of Amnesty International. We have repeatedly 
received indications that Turkish Northrop F-5 fi- 
ghter-bombers have been deployed against thè 
Kurdish population. These planes were supplied 
some years ago by thè Dutch government as pari 
of a NATO assistance program. The Dutch go- 
vernment could be forced to put pressure on 
Turkey if there was clear evidence of a violation of 
thè conditions under which thè planes were origi- 
nai^ supplied. So far however nobody has been 
able to get any solid verification of actual NF-5 
deployment over Kurdistan. 

We therefore ask anyone who has authentic photo 
or video material or other relevant information on 
this matter to contact MRM by answering this E- 
mail message or by telephone (++31 20 638 3826), 
fax (++31 20 625 4991) or regular mail (P.O. Box 
17157, 1001 JD Amsterdam, thè Netherlands). 

Thank you very much for your help, 

Peter Klerks, editor Mensenrechtenmagazine MRM 

* Origin: APS Amsterdam, bbs +31-20-6894198 
(16:31/1) 



9 File : market.pri 


date : 920423 @ 920426 

from : peter klerks @ aps 

subject : market for personal identity products 

/privacy 

Growth Market: Keeping Track of Who's Who? 

The current $1.7 billion U.S. domestic market in 
personal identity products will increase by 19 per- 
cent in thè coming year and by 173 percent by 
1 995. The overseas market for American compa- 
nies will increase from its current $2.6 billion by 
comparable percentages, according to a 571 -page 
analysis from Frost & Sullivan International, which 
has office at 106 Fulton St., New York, N.Y. 10038, 
and 4, Grosvenor Gardens, London SW1W ODH. 
Bar code devices account for 70 percent of thè 
market in automated identity equipment, followed 
distantly by printers for bar codes (12.4%) and by 
magnetic strip products (7.5%). Frost & Sullivan 
are cautious about newer technologies, like bio- 
metrics(0.6%) and voice recognition (2.2%), saying 
that prices are too high right now for widespread 
applications. Other percentages are: RF/ID 3.0%, 
Machine Vision 3.0%, OCR 0.9%, Smart Cards 
0.4%. 

(source: Privacy Journal (USA) Dee. 1991) 

* Origin: APS Amsterdam, bbs +31-20-6894198 
(16:31/1) 

::: eof 


10 File : n!0426a3.jus 


date : 920407 @ 920326 
from : @aps 

subject : Counterterrorist Rarateam virtuaily 
dismantled 

Counterterrorist Rarateam virtuaily dismantled The 
Hague, 7 Aprii 1992 

The combined police-BVD investigation team 
LCT-2 on thè Rara bombings of secretary of Ju- 
stice Kosto's house and thè ministry of thè Interior 
building late 1991 has published a statement in 
which it protests against its Virtual closing down by 
thè ministry of Justice. The reason given is that 
after five months thè team fails to produce results, 


while thè costs so far have far exceeded a million 
guilders. 

The ministry of justice can no longer justify spen- 
ding large amounts of money on thè Rara team 
which it withholds from thè fighi against drugs and 
organized crime. Therefore thè LCT-2 secret cen- 
trai office will be shut down, and thè detectives and 
BVD operatives will return to their own bureaus 
and offices. 

Also thè specially leased cars and technical and 
logistical support will be withdrawn, which in effect 
all but ends thè operation. A Ministry of Justice 
spokesman stated that investigations will be con- 
tinued for thè rest of 1992, with a reduced budget 
of "several 100,000 guilders. 

* Origin: APS Amsterdam, bbs +31-20-6894198 
(16:31/1) 

::: eof 


11 File : gerintei.jus 


date : 920426 
from : aps 

subject : Some intelligence news from Ger- 
many. 

Some intelligence news from Germany. 

Lothar Jachmann, second in command of thè Bre- 
men Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz (LfV) 
which employs some 75 personnel, claimed at a 
seminar organized by thè Green Party in Berlin on 
27-29 March 1992 that counterespionage was an 
anachronism, In thè end it was really an Indian 
game, and to East German espionage chief Mar- 
cus Wolf our counterintelligence was an open 
book. 

Jachmann, with 30 years experience in counter- 
terrorism and domestic security, warned that thè 
Verfassungsschutz would not live to see thè year 
2000 if it wouidn't get its act together. 

This could have serious consequences, for police 
authorities would be all too willing to take over. 
"We already have to rap their knuckles regularly to 
keep them out of thè politicai intelligence field" 
says Jachmann. He explained that thè doctrine on 
leftist extremism and terrorism has changed over 
thè ìast three years. The Verfassungsschutz no 
longer considers itself a part of thè investigation 
apparatus, but tries to offer politicai Solutions for 
what are now considered politicai problems. Ja- 
chmann expressed surprise at thè willingness with 
which politicians permit thè Verfassungsschutz to 



directorate has stated that thè center has been 
established because thè police itself lacks suffi— 
cient resources to adequately assist companies in 
thè area of security management. The center will 
not get involved in any actua! security and guar- 
ding activities. 


The ministry of Justice and thè business commu- 
nity will shortly initiate a joint effort to combat or- 
ganized crime in Holland. In May, a national crime 
control platform will be established in which thè 
police, thè office of thè Public Prosecutor, private 
companies and locai authorities will coordinate po- 
licy-implementations against "mafia-like organiza- 
tions". 


At thè end of March, thè Dutch cabinet has pro- 
posed a bill on a limited obligatory Identification 
which will allow enforcement of laws and regula- 
tions in thè field of moonlighting, fraud, fare dod- 
ging, money laundering, soccer hooiiganism and 
thè like. Identification will be by passport or by 
means of an identity card that has yet to be deve- 
loped. 

Situations in which mandatory identification can be 
demanded are at thè place of work, at social wel- 
fare bureaus, in public transport when fare-dod- 
ging, at soccer matches, at checks on illegai aliens, 
at thè notary's office, when taking on a new job 
vis-a-vis thè employer, and in certain financial 
transactions at banks. Those who fail to present a 
proper identification will be punishable according to 
thè new bill. A definite decision on thè width of thè 
identification obligations will be made after thè 
summer when thè Raad van State has presented 
its advice on thè bill. The postponement of thè de- 
cision results from conflicting views within thè ca- 
binet. 


The ministers of Justice and Home Affairs are 
considering stricter rules on thè use of firearms by 
thè police. Police officers would not be allowed thè 
drawing of their pistol when threatened with a sy- 
ringe, a knife or similar objects. The police minì- 
sters want to restrict thè use of firearms to crimi- 
nals who themselves carry a loaded firearm or who 
pose a clear and present danger to others. In a 
confidential letter to thè police unions thè ministers 
write that in solving conflicts thè police is to avoid 
thè use of firearms to thè utmost. "We consider it 
desirable that in training and instruction thè em- 
phasis is laid on techniques of arrest and appro- 


ach, as well as tactical conduci" The ministers re- 
fuse to ease thè rules on thè deployment of spe- 
cialized arrest teams. These police officers are only 
allowed to carry automatic weapons with thè permit 
of thè Public Prosecutor and a written authorization 
of thè minister of Justice. For riot control thè Mo- 
biele Eenheden (Mobile Units, regular police offi- 
cers in riot gear) will no longer use a carbine. The 
ministers "feel that thè long baton, thè surveillance 
dog, thè water cannon, thè teargas and thè stan- 
dard sidearm (Walther P5 pistol) is an adequate 
equipment for such ME duties." 


Three prominent Dutch juridical psychologists have 
recently published a bulky book "Dubieuze zaken; 
de psychologie van het strafrechtelijk bewijs" 
(Dubious affairs: thè psychology of legai proof", 
Amsterdam, Contact, 1992, ISBN 90-2540432-4) 
which makes an interesting contribution to thè 
debate on miscarriages of justice. The authors, 
H.F.M. Crombag, P.J. van Koppen and W.A. Wa- 
genaar, show by analyzing 35 cases that judges 
often make decisions in a careless and inconside- 
rate manner. Although thè analyzed cases are not 
representative of thè major part of Dutch criminal 
cases, thè researchers conclude from thè fact that 
they had no trouble finding many examples of 
questionable evidence that such cases are no ex- 
ception in Holland. The risk of serious mistakes 
appears to be a systematic consequence of thè 
applied criminal procedures. Therefore thè authors 
urge a review of a number of these rules. 

A centrai problem, according to thè book, is that 
judges are inclined to believe thè claims law en- 
forcement officers make in their written reports or 
as witnesses. Even in those cases where police 
officers are clearly lying, making up stories or ma- 
nipulating evidence by leaving out witness state- 
ments that do not fit their hypothesis, they are ne- 
ver charged with perjury. The office of thè Public 
Prosecutor, according to thè researchers, is not 
after thè search for thè truth but only wants to get 
suspects convicted. 

"Dubieuze zaken” has gotten much attention in 
Dutch media, but so far thè police, Public Prose- 
cutore and judges have completely rejected thè 
book. 



14 


File : n!0426.ass 


date : 920426 
from : aps 
spinnennetz beriin 

subject : trust and developing thè system 

I would like to apoligize to spinb in beriin for not 
responding to their proposai for using thè header 
and entry words. We had some problems over here 
in taking it seriously, Even thè very basics of 
networking like sending texts in ascii, using mailers 
and transmitting on fixed times had not been pos- 
sible most of thè time in an infoexchange between 
only 3 countries in more than 8 months time! 

If this should be a terrorist network - like thè ger- 
man police would like people to believe - so thè 
worse for thè terrorist! This doesn't mean that we 
would like it to be a terrorist network. During thè 
experimental fase we had problems also with thè 
content of thè information. In our opinion we should 
work on creating a network between activists in 
europe and we should give access to this network 
to as many activists as possible, including al their 
different methods and viewpoints. Working towards 
this should also be reflected in what input we give 
ourselves. 

About what we write, how we write, what we ask 
people to translate, what information we consider 
to be important for activist media in other countries. 
We got thè impression that aps is seeing itself 
more as switchbord giving facilities to politicai 
groups where as spinnennetz and ecn-italy see 
themselves more as politicai organisations in thè 
first place. 

Until now we have thè feeling that thè ecn network 
in italy is rather closed and that only a part of thè 
politicai spectre is having access to their bulletin- 
boardsystem and thè ecn network in europe. Until 
now we did not get a confirmation nor a denial of 
this being true. We would like to know though. For 
us it also had been unclear where thè info to 
spinnennetz was/is going to. Was it going anywere 
at all? Maintaining our System is costing us a lot of 
work and ecn is only a small part of it. It it very 
important to us that questions as these, and they 
had been asked before, are taken seriously. 

In thè process of expanding thè european counter 
network we had contact with people from Austria 
(Tatblatt) and from England (56a infoshop). We 
expect them to join thè network soon. We are also 
getting faxes from france from a group calling itself 
ecn. We have no idea who they are and as thè info 
is in french AND on faxpaper it is not made availa- 


ble on our bulletinboard. We do leave a message 
though on thè System for our users that thè info is 
there on fax. Making such a message would be 
easier though if we could read thè language. 

On thè proposai of spinnnennetz beriin of using thè 
header: iooks good; 

1 tried it today and we will dìscuss it in our group, 
maybe some of thè techno's would like some te- 
chnical changes. My first reaction: 

Entry: why use / 

Date: we prefer YYMMDD instead of DD-MM-YY 
Why: end of file? 

In giving names to our files I used NLYYMMDD.zip 
for thè whole package 

NLMMDDal a2 a3 etc for file considering thè 
netherlands only 

for all files I used thè extension to give info 
jus for: justitia, justice, police, law, repression etc. 
fas for: fascism, antifa, immigration etc. 

I am not sure this is thè right way, I am looking 
forward to hear more from spinb on their ideas of 
developing entry words and keywords. 

I will try to write something on it myself next time. 
we are working on developing a list of keywords for 
our own bulletinboardsystem at thè moment. 


15 File : nl0426a4.ind 


date : 920404 920426 
from : aps 

subject : INDONESIA STOPS DEVELOPMENT 
AID FROM THE NETHERLANDS 

Aprii 4/1992 

INDONESIA STOPS DEVELOPMENT AID FROM 
THE NETHERLANDS 

The world has stayed silent while Indonesia has 
made an unprecedented move and stopped its aid 
relation with thè Netherlands, 

Indonesia doesn't accept Dutch interference with 
their "internai" affairs as they describe human ri- 
ghts violations in their country and East Timor. 

An overview: 

On March 25th thè Dutch government received a 
letter from thè Indonesian government, in which it 
States that: 

1 . All current development aid in thè form of loans 
and donations from thè Netherlands to Indonesia 
should be stopped before Aprii 25. 



2. All preparations for new Dutch development 
projects in Indonesia should be stopped. 

3. Preparations as chair/participant of thè next Inter 
Gouvermental Group for Indonesia (IGGI) confe- 
rence should be stopped. 

The letter continues to thank thè Netherlands for 
thè foundation and chairing thè IGGI and all thè 
develpoment aid it has given in thè past. But 
...:"The relations between thè two nations has 
however deteriorated recently very badly because 
of thè reckless use of development aid as an in- 
strument of intimidation or as means to threaten 
Indonesia." 

"... both nations have made enormous efforts to 
build a relation on thè ruines of an exceptional 
painful historical past, which is thè consequece of 
centuries of inhumane oppression as well as bar- 
barie crualties excersized by thè colonial armys 
during thè independance war, less than fifty years 
ago." 

"... The total absence of Dutch development aid to 
Indonesia will lead to a total absence of thè use of 
development aid as a means to threaten Indone- 
sia. It will certainly lead to a better relation..." 

The letter ends with a cali to keep strong econo- 
mie, cultural, diplomatic and politicai ties between 
thè two countries 

The Indonesian government had sent simultaniou- 
sly a letter to thè World Bank with thè request to 
form a new donor-consortium under its chair. 

Japan and thè USA had been informed about thè 
Indonesian decision two days earlier. 

This drastic rupture was intensly covered in both 
countries. The Indonesian decision carne for 
everybody in thè Netherlands as a total surprise. 
That thè relation had deteriorated between thè two 
countries after thè Dutch criticism of thè Santa 
Cruz massacre was clear. When thè new ambas- 
sador of thè Netherlands was received in Jakarta, 
Suharto had strongly attacked thè Netherlands. 
This is a very unusual practise on an otherwise 
ceremonial, non-politacal event. There was thè 
rumors that thè Netherlands -and in particular thè 
Dutch Min. of development co-operation Jan 
Pronk- should discontinue its 25 years of chairing 
thè donorconsortium IGGI. The Netherlands had 
postponed development aid on November 21, but 
restored it end of Januari because thè Dutch go- 
vernment found thè findings of thè KPN "hopefull". 
Then it was Indonesia however who postponed till 
an unset date thè early Feb, sceduled yearly bila— 
teral conference about aid. 


The fact that thè decision carne as a total surprise 
underwrites thè analysis, that this Indonesian de- 
cision has been taken by Suharto himself and only 
very few others. 

In thè first days ( and stili now ) a lot was unclear 
about what aid was exactly meant by Indonesia. 
Were also thè projects of thè NGO's to be stop- 
ped? Four big Dutch NGO's (Cebemo, Icco, Hivos 
and Novib) have together hundreds of smaller 
projects in Indone sia. They are partial or totally 
dependent on Dutch government grants. 

The Dutch expected that at least 200 Dutch 
aidworkers had to be withdrawn within a month. 

The first reactions of Dutch parliamentarians and 
media were with slight variations- unaminous: we 
deplore Jakarta's decision but will respect it; we will 
not try to change their minds, we judge thè formu- 
iation of thè decision as unprecedented harsh, un- 
diplomatic / unfair / unaceptable / ridiculous etc. 

All politicai parties assured thè media that they stili 
supported thè Dutch policy which puts a relation 
between development aid and human rights. 
Everybody seemed to back thè outspoken Min. of 
Development Co-operation Jan Pronk. 

The first to scream fire was of course thè Dutch 
business sector. 

They expressed their grave concern that this policy 
should in NO WAY interfere with their business in- 
terests in Indonesia. Indonesia reassured thè 
Netherlands that their decision only concerned 
develpoment aid and that all other relations would 
not be affected; in thè contrary they would benifit 
and industriai relations would grow, acccording to 
Indonesian Min. Prawiro of Economical Affairs. 

The Netherlands have about 3 billion guilders in- 
vested in Indonesia. The bilateral developmentaid 
consists of about 350 million guilders, which is only 
a fraction of thè 9,5 billion guilders (5 billion US$) 
Indonesian receives in total. It is expected that 
Japan will give more to make up thè balance 
again. 


A debate in parliament about thè consequences of 
thè Indonesian decision was planned to take place 
within one and a half week. Within this week thè 
focus of thè debate changed most drastiely. 

Not thè consequences of thè Indonesian decision 
or thè human rights situation in Indonesia were thè 
focus, but remarks made by Min. Pronk after thè 
Indonesion decision. In an interview with a Dutch 
newspaper -which was misqouted in thè Jakarta 
Times - thè Minister stated: "I don't expect that 
Indonesia will ask for restoration of thè aid relation 
in thè near future. For that you need a new politicai 



generation, one which doesn't make thè relation 
between remarks from thè Netherlands about hu- 
man rights violations and thè Dutch colonial past". 
The remark "for that you need a new politicai ge- 
neration" was badly received in Indonesia and it 
was this reaction on Indonesia which was eagerly 
picked up by Dutch parlimentarians, media and of 
course industry. 

A scapegaot for thè whole 'debacle' was born: Jan 
Pronk. 


All Dutch media took an active part in this proce- 
dure and it suddenly gave many thè oportunity to 
ventilate negative voices about Pronk in generai. 
The conclusion was made that it was solely his 
behaviour -his failure to understand Indonesian 
culture!- which had led to thè rupture. 

In thè debate late Thursday night, Aprii 2, thè libe— 
rais (opposition) and Christian Democrats 
(government) feverously attacked Pronk and de- 
manded that he sould shut his mouth in thè future 
about Indonesia. The task of mending what could 
be mended, should be solely taken up by thè Min. 
of Foreign Affairs Min. van de Broek who is not 
outspoken like Pronk but known for his (very) 
'silent diplomacy 1 . Part of thè mending policy be- 
came also clear when it was announced that a 
Dutch trade delegation would visit Indonesia within 
thè next month. 

All parties had agreed that thè Indonesian decision 
was an undesirable one. 

Especially thè Christian Democrats argued that 
without aid relations with Indonesia, thè Nether- 
lands no longer had any influence on thè human 
rights situation in Indonesia and in particular East 
Timor. 

(not that it is clear if they did anything at all before 
Nov. 12th) 

But thè next day Labour collegues of Pronk stron- 
gly carne to his defense and a few newspapers 
talked about thè hypocrocy of it all. 

CONCLUSION 

The EC reacted within thè first days stating that it 
considered thè matter a bilateral affair between 
Indonesia and thè Netherlands. The silence from 
other countries was astounding. (Austria had made 
its decision to stop its technical aid to Indonesia in 
reaction to thè Santa Cruz massacre earlier on 
March 26.) Only Portugal stated that thè Indone- 
sian decision could not be considered a bilateral 
event between thè Netherlands and Indonesia 
since thè EC had adopted a resolution, November 
last year, in which thè relation between develpo- 


ment aid and human rights was recongnised. Por- 
tugal nor others however succeeded in pushing 
this point. 

If thè Indonesians did indeed stop thè aid rela- 
tionship because it doesn't want interference in 
their "internai" affairs then thè International silence 
is a bad indicator. If other countries take their hu- 
man rights policy seriously they must discuss this 
latest measure of Indonesia. 

The Netherlands played a very negative role 
Pronk and others stated that they hoped that other 
countries would continue their aid relation with In- 
donesia. 

The steps taken by Indonesia should not be tole- 
rated: it is not a bilateral question but a global one. 
NGO's should pressure their respective govern- 
ments to analyse thè Dutch/lndonesian rupture 
which should lead to a revision of their aid relation 
with Indonesia. 

It is also important to put pressure on IGGI mem- 
bers to put thè point on this uears agenda. (IGGI 
members: Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, New 
Zealand, Austria, Spain, Switzerland, Japan, Ca- 
nada, Australia, USA, Great Britain) 

The Indonesian decision serves maybe in thè first 
place thè internai -pre election- situation in Indo- 
nesia. Suharto probably tried to appease thè mili— 
tary who are furious they have been openly puni- 
shed for thè Santa Cruz massacre due to interna- 
tional pressure. 

Beside this; nationalistic measurements are always 
popular in electiontime. 

A Dutch cartoon made a clear analyses of thè si- 
tuation. The cartoon showed Suharto screaming to 
thè Dutch: " We have a right to our own massa- 
cres." 

With this step Indonesia avoided that thè next IGGI 
conference would be held in thè Netherlands 
where a big anti-lndonesian demonstration was 
planned. It would also be very likely that Pronk -as 
chair- would have pushed to talk about thè human 
rights situation in Indonesia. This issue had been 
ignored at IGGI meetings until now, but after thè 
Santa Cruz massacre, thè EC resolution and global 
acceptance of thè relation between aid and HR it 
would be unlikely it would be again ignored. With 
thè World Bank as chair and thè Dutch absent In- 
donesia has much less to fear. 

For more questions please contact APS in Am- 
sterdam 



16 File : timor.un 


date: 92031 6 @920426 
from : russell @ aps 

subject : east timor report on un human rights 
session 

A DECISION ON A DECLARATION OR A DECI- 
SION. NOT A RESOLUTION AND FAR AWAY 
FROM A REVOLUTION 
1 6th of March 

A REPORT BY RUSSELL ANDERSON 
CONCERNING THE ISSUE OF EAST TIMOR IN 
THE 

UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COMMIS- 
SION, 1992 

48th Session from January 28th till February 
5th 

After a silence of seven years, East Timor is back 
on thè agenda of thè Human Rights Commission. 
From thè corridors of thè Commission to behind 
closed doors, East Timor was one of thè most di- 
scussed issues. The Tibet and East Timor lobby 
were thè most experienced groups. From thè be- 
ginning, an East Timor resolution was given a pro- 
mising chance. However, on Wednesday 4th of 
March, a "concensus deciaration' 1 on East Timor 
was read out by thè chairman supported by a co- 
signed letter of commitment by Indonesia and 
Portugal. Before going on to what this means, and 
thè gains it will bring for thè following year I will at- 
tempt to describe thè process which led to thè final 
deciaration. 

In thè beginning of thè 48th session, Portugal 
played a skilful and tactful role. As chair of thè EC 
and UN recognized administrater of East Timor, 
Portugal wore two hats. The first weeks, Portugal 
followed a strategy to negotiate with thè EC on a 
resolution text that would be formally submitted on 
behalf of thè twelve EC countries. Portugal had thè 
added weight that it was prepared to " go it alone" 
on a resolution. At a time when thè " New Euro- 
pean Community " is trying to consolidate, a divi— 
sion, especially coming from its chair would be 
embarrassing. During this period thè East Timor 
lobby work pursued a course to invite countries to 
co-sponser thè resolution. 

THE RESOLUTION 

On Feb-25th, a resolution with thè support of thè 
twelve was tabled and a vote was scheduled for 
Mar-3rd. This resolution did not cali for an interna- 


tional investigatìon into thè Nov-12th massacre, 
but did show "grave concern at thè unprovoked 
violence" and was "concerned" that this "incident" 
was not an aberration but " occured in thè context 
of a deteriorating human rights situation ", The 
strongest feature of thè text was "recalling" thè 
past United Nations resolutions on East Timor par- 
ticulariy thè 1982 resolution calling for self-deter- 
mination and withdrawal of Indonesian troops. This 
resolution called for a comprehensive and interna- 
tionally acceptable settlement on thè question of 
East Timor, and "calls" for access to East Timor by 
internatioal human rights organizations. An item to 
insure East Timor would be discussed in thè 
Commission next year, was included. 

A major strengìh of thè resolution was thè signifi- 
cant number (28) of co-sponsers and their diver- 
sity. There were six Latin American, two African 
and 20 European co-sponsers. Other countries 
joined later, bringing thè total to 32. However only 
fourteen of these countries were members of thè 
Commission and had voting power, thè others 
countries were non-members with observer status. 

It was said that "in this house of democracy", me- 
aning thè H.R.Commission, countries concerned 
with an issue are expected to be involved in thè 
disscussions/negotiations before any vote is ta- 
bled. Portugal was being accused by some coun- 
tries, particularly Australia, of not having followed 
thè correct procedure by tabling an undiscussed 
resolution. In a statement to thè Commission In- 
donesia accused thè EC of "not respecting thè 
usuai practice of prior contact or consultation". 
Portugal, already under pressure to enter into ne- 
gotiations, immediately approached Indonesia and 
proposed thè Indonesians to come up with a con- 
crete counter proposal. Thus began thè new stage 
of negotiations with Indonesia. 

NEGOTIATIONS 

It was at this stage that thè East Tiomorese lobby 
group thought that thè Portuguese delegation 
made some tactical errors. Instead of negotiating 
on thè basis of thè text of thè tabled resolution, thè 
Portuguese drafted a text that could be agreeable 
to by ALL parties, including Indonesia. The next six 
days of twoing and froing created extreme pres- 
sure from all sides. 

Four possibilities arose: 

** A " Consensus Deciaration ". 

** A " Decision " read out by thè Chair. 

** A vote on thè E.C. resolution. 

** A " No-Action" on thè EC resolution. 



A CONCENSUS DECLARATION - is an agree- 
ment by all members of thè Commission and, 
without discussion, is read out by thè Chair of thè 
HRC. The consensus declaration is not given a file 
number in thè records of thè 48th Session and is 
not even recorded in thè important section of thè 
resolutions but in an unrecognized back section. 

A " DECISION " - is also an agreement by all 
members and, without discussion, read out by thè 
Chair. The decision statement however is binding 
because both/all parties agree to a commitment 
and thè declaration is recorded in thè report of thè 
48th Session. 

THE TABLED “ RESOLUTION " - is thè above 
mentioned points and is voted on by thè 53 mem- 
ber States. For thè resolution to succeed it must 
recieve a majority vote. As well as a yes or no vote, 
member countries have thè possibility to abstain. A 
resolution is thè most recognised goal within thè 
Commission and is " legally binding The wording 
of a resolution is always stronger because it is not 
a consensus agreement and has thè advantage of 
creating discussion, from thè floor of thè Commis- 
sion. It is also given a reference number and re- 
ported in thè 48th Session. 

A " NO-ACTION " - When a resolution goes to 
vote any member state can cali for a "no-action 1 ' 
vote on thè resolution. This is an effective way for 
countries to save face by avoiding having to vote 
on a resolution. This means that a country might 
agree generally with thè resolution but disagree 
with certain paragraphs and therefore take a diffe— 
rent stand when it comes to a no-action. If a no- 
action wins thè vote thè resolution is dumped and 
is not recorded in thè Session. 

The East Timor lobby agreed that Portugal should 
enter into negotiations but not on thè terms of a 
declaration. Portugal was now in a difficult position 
because it was negotiating on behalf of thè twelve 
and countries like UK, Germany and Holland were 
prefering a "declaration". Outside pressure from 
thè US, Japan and Australia was also being ap- 
plied. Japan helped Indonesia in thè negotiation 
process and Australia helped Indonesia by taking 
an active lobby role and at a cruciai last moment 
spread disinformation to confuse thè negotiations. 

Portugal, at an early stage of thè negotiations with 
Indonesia, for what ever reason, did not consult 
with thè experienced East Timor lobbiers or thè 
NGO's who took a leading role in thè East Timor 
lobby. Portugals approach at this stage appeared 
to take on a colonialist mentality towards East Ti- 


mor. This may not be true but could have been 
caused by extreme pressure and sometimes limi— 
ted time to consult. With thè possibilites of future " 
talks without pre-conditions " it is hoped that a 
certain amount of fore-planning will alleviate any 
reoccurance of this type. 

All negotiations between countries were behind 
closed doors. It became an almost untouchable 
situation. All lobbyìng on thè resolution was put on 
hold during thè negotiations with Indonesia. NO 
ONE was sure what thè final outcome would be. 
Some of thè scenario's were; talks would break 
down at thè last moment and thè resolution would 
go to thè vote; or an agreement would be reached 
on a declaration; or a decision declaration. The 
East Timor lobby prefered a vote on thè resolution 
and thè next best would be a "decision". Whìle 
Portugal was leading towards a "decision" a lot 
was weighing on thè wording of thè text declara- 
tion. 

On Mar-3rd thè issue of East Timor, agreed by all 
members was postphoned to Wednesday thè 4th. 
The atmosphere was extremely tense. 

The negotiations with Indonesia effects thè lobby ( 
on voting on thè resolution ) in such a way that 
countries do not enter into dicussion because they 
are aware of thè negotiation process. It had be- 
come unclear how countries would vote if it carne 
to a "noaction". From speaking to people af- 
terwards it would have been very dose. The worst 
estimate given was 60% in favour of a noaction 
while most of thè East Timor lobby were in favour 
of thè confrontation and believed there was a 
chance of success. 

MARCH 4TH 

Without going into thè last minute details; thè issue 
of EastTimor, on Mar-4th was postphoned , but 
less then two hours later, to thè surprise of many a 
" concensus declaration " was read out by thè 
Chairman. Afterwards it was explained to me thè 
reason why this happened; Portugal and Indonesia 
had agreed on a text and had co-signed a special 
letter of commitment. It was important it be read 
out as soon as possible in order to validate thè 
declaration. Portugal firmly believed that thè best 
result under thè circumstances had been achieved. 

After thè Nov-12th massacre and thè outcry seen 
by thè international community, plus thè strong 
East Timor lobby in thè HRC, expectations were 
running high for a resolution in thè Commission. 
Personnally I felt thè "concensus declaration" was 
a let down. However what has been achieved this 



year is unprecedented. Thanks to thè perserve- 
rence of thè East Timorese in their determination to 
be free from thè illegai annexation of Indonesia. 


Before I move on to thè positive aspects of thè de- 
claration it would be appropriate to quote thè In- 
ternatioal Committee of Jurists on their opening 
remarks on thè intervention they made in thè 
Commission concerning East Timor: 

" Each year, this agenda item affords thè Commis- 
sion thè opportunity to shine thè disinfecting light of 
international publicity on thè gross violations of 
human rights. Each year, however, politicai con- 
siderations seem to play as great a role in thè 
Commission's decision-making as human suffe- 
ring, which action by thè international community 
might help to alleviate 

THE DECLARATION 

Declarations by nature are weaker then a resolu- 
tion but this declaration does have a strong text. 
There are some quiries on important words, like "to 
continue to follow closely" would have had more 
meaning if stated "to continue to implememt". Ai- 
though worded differently than thè resolution, all 
thè basic elements are present in thè "declaration"; 
** Para. 1 - The declaration after noting " with se- 
rious concern thè human rights situation ".... thus it 
is not an aberration, goes on and "strongly deplo- 
res thè violent incident in Dili, on 12 November". 

** Para. 2 - It "hopes" that thè " fate of those 
unaccounted for will " be clarified, " namely on thè 
number of people killed and those missing ". 

** Para. 3 - The Commission is encouraged by thè 
" military court proceedings regarding some 
members of its Armed Forces " but urges " to bring 
to trial and punish all those found responsible ". It 
urges " that all civilians " brought to trial are assu- 
red of proper legai representation and fair trial and 
that those not involved in violent activities are re- 
leased without delay ". 

** Para. 4 - Unfortunately thè word self-determi- 
nation does not arise and there is no specific refe- 
rence made to latter resolutions. However, thè 
"Commission encourages thè Secretary General to 
continue his good offices for achieving a just, 
comprehensive and internationally acceptable set- 
tlement" - and in this years HRC it has been 
agreed by ALL member countries, includung In- 
donesia. 

SOME OF THE STRONGER POINTS ARE IN PA- 
RAGRAPH 5; 


** " The Commission urges thè Government of 
Indonesia to improve thè human rights situation in 
East Timor ", 

** The Commission "urges thè Indonesian authori- 
ties to" impiement thè recomendations of its Spe- 
cial Rapporteur, Mr Kooijmans, on Torture and 
"looks forward to a report". Therefore pointing to a 
financial commitment (see explanation below of 
financial commitment). 

** " Requests thè Secretary General to continue to 
follow closely thè human rights situation in East 
Timor and to keep thè Commission informed" in 
next years Session. l'm not sure of thè exact 
method of informing thè Commission, but if enough 
information reaches thè desk of thè Secretary 
Generai about continuing human rights abuses, 
then East Timor will be firmly on thè agenda for 
next year. This also means a financial commitment 
(see below). 


IS THE DECLARATION BINDING ? 

It is hard to know what is "binding". From thè past 
we can see that resolutions do not necessarily 
change events. If a resolution was passed by a 
small margin and Indonesia would have, of course, 
voted against, then Indonesia could have easily 
given thè thumbs down and continued as per 
usuai. The legai section of thè UN and thè Secre- 
tary of thè HRC, have both said this declaration is 
"binding SOME EVEN ARGUE THAT THIS DE- 
CLARATION IS MORE BINDING THEN A RE- 
SOLUTION BECAUSE IT IS A CONSENSUS AND 
MORE IMPORTANTLY IT HAS THE CO-SIGNED 
AGREEMENT WITH INDONESIA, SPECIFICALLY 
RELATING TO PARAGRAPH 5. IF INDONESIA 
DOES NOT KEEP TO ITS WORD IT CAN BE 
HELD ACCOUNTABLE BY ALL MEMBER STA- 
TES AND CO-SPONSERS. ESPECIALLY THE 
EC HAS A RESPONSIBILITY BECAUSE IT ORI- 
GINALLY PRESENTED THE RESOLUTION AND 
IN THE END FAVOURED THIS DECLARATION. 

The Declaration has been recorded in thè HRC, 
48th Session, thè report reference number is 
E/CN.4/1992/L.10/Add.12. and can be found under 
paragraph 58. its interesting to note thè tabled “ 
Resolution 11 is also included in thè same docu- 
ment, in paragraph 57. Also thè annuai meeting, 
held at thè end of thè HRC, has already put East 
Timor on next years Draft Provisionai Agenda of 
thè 49th Session - under " Report of thè Secretary 
General - Item 12 N ". 



A financial commitment - means allocating money 
and initiating a bureauocratic process to deal with 
thè above mentioned reports. This is another 
aspect of thè declaration that binds thè UN and 
Indonesia. 

WHAT IS CLEAR? 

The declaration has given a lot of room to move for 
all parties concerned. Indonesia's claim of victory is 
purely a media exercise to mobilize mass con- 
sciousness in their favour. Indonesia has basically 
agreed to an internatioal settlement and thè ope- 
ning up of East Timor. Who's "victory" this declara- 
tion favours will depend on thè coming year. A 
generai strength of thè declaration is that certain 
operative mechanisms have been put in place to 
allow new inroads. It is now thè responsibility of 
NGO's, Solidarity groups, lawyers, individuals and 
of course thè East Timorese organizations to use 
these mechanisms and confront Indonesia and test 
thè wording of thè declaration. These points are: ** 
Indonesia has been put on thè spot concerning its 
" about 50 " figure for thè number of dead, on Nov- 
12th. Any evidence to prove this claim false has an 
opening under, Para. 2. 

** At this very moment lawyers and judicial orga- 
nisations will be backed up by thè wording of thè 
text when inquiring about proper legai representa- 
tion and fair trials. Any discrepancies shold be re- 
ported to thè Secretary General. ( Para. 3 ) 

** Added weight will be given to thè widely called 
for release of those not involved in violent activi- 
ties. ( Para. 3 ) 

** Quiries will be strengthened about thè bringing 
to trial of ALL members of thè Armed Forces con- 
cerning thè Nov-12th massacre. ( Para.3) 

** Organizations have thè right to make inquiries to 
governments about thè steps being taken to find a 
" just, comprehensive and internatioal acceptable 
settlement ".( Para 4 ) 

** Human rights groups and humanitarian organi- 
zations in thè coming year should apply to visit 
East Timor - Every time there is evidence to prove 
Indonesia does not co-operate, then a report 
should go to thè Secretary General for his inter— 
vention in thè 49th Session. Any reports by human 
rights groups, who are allowed into thè country, 
that find violations of human rights will contradict 
thè Commission's request to Indonesia to improve 
thè human rights situation. (Para.5) 


** Particularly, considering Indonesia is asked to 
make a report on its implementation on thè re- 
commendations of thè Special Rapporteur on Tor- 
ture, any evidence of continuing violations should 
be presented to thè Secretary General. ( Para. 5 ) 

It was said early on in thè Commission that even if 
a resolution fails it will stili be a victory for East Ti- 
mor because it has been such an issue this year. 
During thè HRC, Mr Jose Ramos Horta was di- 
scussing strategies for thè next international mee- 
tings, concerning East Timor. This helped to put 
thè HRC into thè correct perspective - it is just 
another forum to raise thè issue of East Timor. 
What is left after this forum is a thorn in thè side of 
thè Indonesian government. If thè thorn is pushed 
properly it will add many new possibilities for this 
year and for thè next Human Rights Commission. 



m i 1 a n o 
from 2 to 5 july 


PARCO LAMBRO ’92 


i ut e r n a tignai 
m e e t i n g 


NEW R1GHT SOCIAL 
AND WAYS OF LIBERATION 




Centro Sociale Leoncavallo 


MILANO